Within the Context of 1474-1598 to What Extent Did Ferdinand and Isabella Lay the Foundations for a Golden Age Essay Example

Within the Context of 1474-1598 to What Extent Did Ferdinand and Isabella Lay the Foundations for a Golden Age? Essay Spain’s perceived â€Å"Golden Age† is a broad classification unconfined to a specific era. The Golden Age has long been affiliated with the growth of a uniquely Spanish identity that arose with the flourishing of arts, architecture and literature expanding notably in the years of Phillip II, and flourishing in the 17th century – the same century traditionalist historians identify as the decline of Spain. To consider the golden age of Spain on a purely art and literature basis however misses the point, the Golden Age in all contexts appeared from the development of the Spanish Empire. On the European stage Spain appeared at the height of its â€Å"Golden Age† during the reign of Phillip II, Spain was the centre piece of the world’s greatest power controlled by the Hapsburg dynasty. Outwardly Spain was a religiously unified nation of great power, wealth and honour. Yet the â€Å"Golden Age† was of little substance on a domestic scale, built on a perceived vision of what Spain was like, whilst its periodic decline was built upon greater understanding of what Spain was. There was little to show of a â€Å"Golden Age† outside the confinements of the inner aristocracy in the 16th century, it’s so called decline thereafter were the true colours of Spain shining though. Failure at a domestic level inevitably brought down the golden era of foreign policy. The Catholics Kings role in this dramatic rise and fall in the Golden Age was limited, yet essential. As the founders of Spain, they set the tone of foreign and domestic policy, religion and most importantly (although indirectly), the succession. 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In Aragon expansion in Italy had stalled and she was threatened by the French in both the Mediterranean and to the north in Navarre. In Castile there was much opposition to the marriage; as noble factions of great power and influence were split over the two potential Castilian heirs Juana and Isabella. Alfonso the archbishop of Toledo proposed Isabella’s marriage to Ferdinand in search of allies, and despite her young age Isabella herself proved to be influential in the decision making. Unification had been attempted before as both monarchs where cousins, yet their marriage in 1469 would be of deciding significance n the making of Spain in the Golden Age to come. The Peninsula was the bedrock of the Catholic Kings foreign policy. For Isabella â€Å"Her greatest ambition was to carry to completion the reconquista of the peninsula† ,thus naturally Portugal was the first choice of succession for the monarchs of both kingdoms, but their fortunes were not to be fulfilled due to the misfortune of the deaths of their two children. This dream of a united Peninsula was not lost however, and stayed in the minds of Castilians and was notably evident in the demands of the Comuneros revolt â€Å"They should choose her (Isabella of Portugal), according to the desire of his kingdoms† The Catholic Kings influential desire of a united peninsula had worn off on future generations and laid the foundations for their great great grandson Phillip II to unite Hispania under one monarch. . The foundations of a united Spain however where no more than a â€Å"dynastic bundle of states† and lay in the balance following Isabella’s (of Castile) death in 1504. Despite the unity the Catholic kings displayed swearing to the Cortez of Aragon and Castile and administrating both kingdoms together such unity always was a one sided arrangement. Ferdinand under the marriage arrangements was contracted to live in Castile and govern Aragon though the newly formed Councils of state, Kamen explains â€Å"The Marriage treaty drawn up for Ferdinand laid down the basic limits to Ferdinand’s future authority† Economically and in governance the two remained separate entities in all but foreign policy. Some Historians consider Isabella’s decision to pass the crown to the Hapsburgs rather than Aragon as evidence of Isabella’s disunity. Lockyer claims; â€Å"she showed how little she appreciated the concept of Spanish unity† . This theory is supported by Historian Lotherington and Kamen, the latter who comments â€Å"the achievement of a united Spain was never an objective of the Catholic Kings† However this is too simplistic a view; because Isabella knew that the Castilian nobles would not accommodate for an Aragonese king, and the crown must rest upon the spouse of Aragon and Castile if unification was to be a realistic goal. Elliot suggests this when he speaks of a â€Å"Spanish inheritance† when referring to the Burgundian inheritance and Rady explains â€Å"Ferdinand held such influence in Castile this kingdom also might have been wrenched away from the new heir (Charles)† . Likewise J. Jones identifies â€Å"national unification† as a key policy of the Catholic Kings. It was therefore not â€Å"entirely by accident† that Spain as united under the same realm but the death of the Catholic Kings Portuguese dynastic ties that meant the Hapsburg dynasty and not the Portuguese dynasty was united under the Spanish crown, which as Isabella had predicted caused friction amongst Cisneros and Castilian nobles who resented Ferdinand fruitless attempts to produce an alternative Spanish heir. Failing to promote his more desirable Spanish grandson; Ferdinand to the throne, they knew like Isabella that the â€Å"Old interfering Catalan† – which they referred to him as, would eventually deliver his kingdom into their new crown if he was unable to establish a strong foreign dynastic alliance, of which he reluctantly did. The Hapsburg succession was â€Å"the last thing that Ferdinand and Isabella would have wished† , for Ferdinand only a last resort to an uncompromising Castile. But it was the road, if bumpy, to a Golden Age for Spain. When the Burgundian Charles first succeeded to the throne of Spain there was no sign of a Golden Age in Spain. Charles rejected the realm, considering Spain simply another of his territories in the Holy Roman Empire. In Brandi’s words his succession – â€Å"Hopelessly miscarried† . The young and shy king arrived, (overdue) illiterate in Spanish and assuming the offices of the land for Burgundian friends and for money, Charles made the worst possible impression. Thus without the attentive eye of the Catholic Kings the nobility grew in strength and confidents under a tentative government; â€Å"reopening old feuds† , the revolt of the Germania, Comuneros and in the Balearic Islands were a direct result of Charles neglect of Spanish affairs and could have been prevented. When Charles left Spain in September 1519 Spain was part of Charles Burgundian Empire The monarchy created by the Catholic Kings was a personal monarchy ruled in an absolute style, and therefore totally ungovernable in the way Charles had attempted to rule when he first arrived in Spain. The theory of new monarchy endorsed by historians such as Katherine Leach and Geoffrey Parker has been largely rebuked, particularly in the case of the monarchy Ferdinand and Isabella founded. What Elliot adequately identifies in the case of â€Å"new monarchy is Spain created by Ferdinand and Isabella must be entirely excluded from the European model, or alternatively the model itself is at default† . Absolutism was what the Catholic Kings more defiantly moved towards, this change from feudal to â€Å"absolute† and was characterised by subsequent weak and strong monarchs all across Europe. What is evident is that there was no â€Å"new monarchy† in such developments. Henry IV Isabella’s father was a â€Å"weak† monarch, his reign characterised by â€Å"a period of instability which the great nobles exploited freely† . The New Monarchy is mistaken for a period after 1500 where by â€Å"the monarchies of England, France, the Netherlands and Spain had all emerged victorious from long periods of civil wars with over mighty subjects† . In this context the Catholic Kings had succeeded not in the stripping, but the â€Å"taming† of the aristocracy. The Catholic Kings had tackled the political aspect of the nobility; denying them the right to vote in the Consejo Real – (Council of Castile), expanding the use of Corregidors and letrados – (civil servants trained in law) staffed by the â€Å"lesser nobility† to encourage political neutrality. The revolts Charles I faced when he left Spain in May 1520 were a reminder of the type of monarchy Ferdinand and Isabella’s had created. It was personnel, and required a decisive and affirmative monarch, as the Comenros rebels identified â€Å"it is not custom of Castile to be without king† . Perhaps this was the most important foundation of the Golden Age that the Catholic Kings created. By transferring political power from the nobles to the monarch they created a new form of national identity. The period of September 1517 – May 1522 was a time of â€Å"nationalism and revolt† and thus the Golden Age was established not in the Netherlands or any other part of the Empire, but in Spain. When Charles returned to Spain in July 1522 he adapted to the unique requirements of Spanish monarchy. He was freed of the influence of the Golden Fleece, upon the deaths of the unpopular statesmen Chievres in 1521 and Sauvage in 1518 Charles turned to Gattinara, an Italian statesman who Brandi identifies as â€Å"an influence to Charles Character as only Chievres had done before, as no one was to do again† . Yet from 1521 on the news of the revolts on Spain Charles began to rely more on Francis Cobos a Spaniard and ex-bureaucrat for the Catholic Kings and â€Å"thereafter the star of Cobos rose while that of Gattinara waned† . When Charles returned to Spain as Holy Roman emperor with his prestige greatly increased, Charles had matured, (now aged 22) and the more experienced personality of Charles the man; no longer strangled by his Burgundian advisers showed though. Lockyer is only half right to comment â€Å"Charles never became a prisoner to his ministers† because it was a lesson he learnt that coinciding with the fall of Gattinara, whom when he died in 1530, Charles did not replace with a new chancellor. Importantly, the Emperor rebuked the Spanish offices he had given to Burgundians, made some attempt to learn Spanish and created new councils of state run by Spaniards. Charles, â€Å"gradually† extended the use of these councils expanding the centralized government the Catholic Kings had created. It remains telling that royal authority was never to be challenged in Charles reign, although as Kamen correctly identifies â€Å"it would be a mistake to regard it as a triumph for absolutism, like the Catholic Kings before him, Charles sustained his authority over the aristocracy and the towns only by collaborating with them and making it unnecessary for them to claim more power than they already had† . The governance of Spain was, as it always had done, relied on Venality. By running his administration in the form of a pyramid, with the king at the apex , decisions appeared to have had the authority of the king, without the necessity of him being present. Charles paid far more attention to the administration of Spain than the rest of his realms as Holy Roman Emperor. Above all he showed his commitment to his Spanish subjects by marrying Isabella of Portugal and educating his son Phillip in Spain. With the support of his universal theories, the architect of that national state for which Ferdinand and Isabella had laid the foundation. Charles completed it† The style of government that the Catholic Kings created – for better or worse â€Å"helped to transform Charles V Empire into Phillip II Spanish Empire† Under Phillip II the Empire was undoubtedly centred on Spain. It was governed by what Braudel describes as â€Å"a metropolitan power, a policy initiated by Charles as well as his predecessors† . This description could not be more right in the light of Phillip II. When Phillip succeeded to the throne in 1556, â€Å"the Spanish monarchy came home† . The Spanish king relived himself of the burden of touring his Empire and ordered the building of the great El Escorial – a monumnet of Spain’s golden age, completed in 1584 some 21 miles from Madrid; where he spent much of his reign. After his return from Flanders in 1559 – Phillip never again left the Peninsula; â€Å"Friend or foe; they saw him as a spider, sitting motionlessly in his web† . In an accurate portrayal of Phillip the Venetian Ambassador reported â€Å"The King, has no regard but for Spaniards† , so widespread was the â€Å"hatred of the Spaniard † that it began to spread everywhere in Europe, a sign of the times and a warning of what lay ahead. Yet for a few glorious decades Spain was to be the greatest power on Earth† under a Spanish Monarch. Phillips personal role in the government of Spain far outstripped that of his father. Taking word from a letter from his father warning him of â€Å"falling under the influence or becoming the instrument of feuds† he involved himself personally in affairs of government in an isolated manner. In 1583 the Venetian Ambassador argued â€Å"The whole Spanish Monarchy is held together by the authority and wisdom of the king, if he were to die everything would fall into confusion and danger† , Geoffrey Parker may have gone to far too suggest â€Å"Phillip ruled absolutely† , a concept rebuked by historians Elliot, Woodward, Lockyer and Kamen who identify Phillips ability to â€Å"control† rather than canon the Castilian aristocracy, as his predecessors had done similarly. Yet what remains broadly undisputed, is Phillip in character and policy was Spanish; and any Golden Age in the reign of Phillip, was a Golden Age for Spain. An evident development of the Golden Age of Spain was the emergence of a cultural identity which the Catholic Kings laid foundations for. Importantly however such developments where confined to the aristocracy of Castile, which estimates suggests concerned roughly 10% of the population . When Historians speak of a Golden Age they acknowledge it did not concern the majority of Spaniards during this period and it would be naive to think otherwise. Although this arguments perhaps grows in weight as it was during the Golden Age that the laity experienced a decline in living standards. To the majority of Spaniards living on the great enclosures of the nobility there was no Golden Age, and the Cultural Revolution of empire and Catholicism did little to affect them positively. The case of Charles I and the peasant (who did not recognise him) expressed what much of the laity felt like under the monarchy of Charles; describing him as the worst of his five predecessors of Castile since his taxes where ruining them, and all the wealth from the Indies and Castile was being sent abroad. But for the elite few the Golden Age was tangible in existence, and what it meant to be a Spaniard, or more accurately a Castilian was precious to them, a cultural flair the Catholic Kings had reimbursed. Isabella and Ferdinand greatest cultural success was the renewal of the reconquista in a ten year war that brought the final defeat of the moors and the end of the 800 year reconquista in Granada in 1492. It was this achievement that earned them the title â€Å"The Catholic Kings†. Long centuries of fighting against the moors in the peninsula had led to the â€Å"glorification of military virtues† and the concept of the â€Å"Hidalgo† the knight who lived for war and glory was widely accepted as the ideal for a Spaniard. 16th century literature such as the â€Å"cantar de gesta† (songs of heroic deeds) tells the story of the legend of El Cid, a Castilian nobleman and mercenary from the 12th and 13th century who became the national hero of Spain and the cultural aspiration of this period. By completing the reconquista the Catholic Kings had â€Å"united the Castilian nobles under the banner of Christianity† and tapped into Spain’s cultural ideal, doing much to; â€Å"enhance the power and prestige of the monarchy† both domestically and on the world stage. The Catholic Kings were responsible for ensuring the crusading ambitions of Spain never lost momentum and continued an active foreign policy throughout their reign. Only weeks after victory in Granada, Isabella had announced her wish for a crusade on the shores of Africa and in 1494 she persuaded Alexander VI to grant her the Cruzada tax for such a campaign. Her dying wish to her husband was to devote himself â€Å"unremittingly to the conquest of Africa and to the war for the faith against the moors† . In Italy Ferdinand gained a fierce reputation following significant victories against the French that made Spanish troops â€Å"feared throughout Europe† , more importantly he seized control of Navarre uniting the state into Spain and pursuing the reconquista into Africa at the dying request of Isabella capturing a thin coastal strip along the southern African coast including the potent city of Oran. The acquisition of the New World was beginning to expand so by the reign of Charles I â€Å"Spain possessed an extensive overseas empire† . An achievement often dismissed as a lucky acquirement by historians such as Kamen and Pendrill, describing the expedition as â€Å"reluctantly backed† and â€Å"Spain did not have any distinctive expertise in seafaring† . What perhaps is forgotten is the immense cost of any such expedition and the annual allowance of 12,000 maravedis along with other Benefits that Columbus received in 1486 from the Catholic Kings in order to keep his offer confined to Spain. Whilst the French, Portuguese and English Courts had dismissed Columbus, the Catholic kings spotted potential, but restricted by their finances in 1486 because of the war against the Moors they delayed (but secured) any future expedition. As Elliot explains Spain had a â€Å"tradition of maritime experience† , acquired from her overseas territories in the Mediterranean and the Canaries. The Foundations of the New World provided by the Catholic Kings where created on a deeper basis than simply luck. The foreign policy of the Catholic Kings formed a solid foundation for the Golden Age. They had refused to accept 1492 as the end of the military values for Spaniards; ushering in a less hostile and inward looking society. Instead reconquista was marked by the beginning of â€Å"Castilian imperialism† , a nation ready to embark upon the European, African and world stage where it had already made a significant impact. It was with justification that Ferdinand could remark â€Å"For over 700 years the crown of Spain has not been as great or as resplendent as it is now, both in the west and the east, and all, after God, by my work and labour† Indeed Spain was greater than it ever had been and was certainly looking outwards; confirmed by Isabella’s opportunistic succession plans. In decades to come Spain was to become the aggressor asserting its authority across Europe and the World. A Spanish Golden Age in foreign policy can however be considered exempt from the reign of Charles I. As Karl Brandi explains;† the emphasis laid on the primacy of the emperor in Europe, was in direct contradiction to the theory of the national state† Charles was the Holy Roman Emperor, of which Spain played a significant but not central part. Attempts to pin a nationality on Charles during his reign as Charles V are futile as â€Å"he was essentially a man of universal outlook . Historians such as Rady and Brandi give emphasis to Charles V the Burgundian, commenting in 1520 to the states-general (Netherlands); â€Å"His heart had always been among them (literally no their side)† . However Kamen and Lockyer tend to lay weight on Charles the Spaniard. Rebuking a French clergyman who denounced him speaking Castilian Charles replied â€Å"do not expect me to speak any other language but Spanish, which is so noble that it should be learned and understood by all Christian people† . It was in fact the official language of his cortege in the latter part of his reign although Charles spoke more fluently in Dutch and French. Historians generally accept that Charles made neither the Low Countries nor Spain the capital of his Empire. As monarch of each realm Charles cleverly adjusted himself to appear favourably to each of them. Evidence lies in the many letters he sent to his realms explaining his reason to depart Spain for Italy in the summer of 1529, he tailored each correspondence differently. To Castile his argument was centred on the church and â€Å"visiting subjects† , To his sister Mary, regent of the Netherlands (bordering France) suppressing â€Å"France† and his commanders Philibert of Orange and Gerard de Rye for â€Å"honour and reputation† . Charles was â€Å"a lord of many states: a Burgundian among the Burgundians; a Spaniard in Castile and Aragon; an Italian among the Italians† . Therefore in policy Charles loyalties lay with all his Empire; and troubles in his Northern territories most notably against the French, Turks and German Lutherans kept him occupied in Mainland Europe. Spanish interests, especially in the Mediterranean against the Turkish Navy and in Africa were neglected for problems in the rest of his realms that were not â€Å"self supporting† . There can be no doubt that Spaniards â€Å"basked in the reflected sunlight of Imperial glory† , of which they shared amongst his other realms. Over his reign Charles entourage was transformed from the â€Å"myriad formalities of the Burgundian court to the solemnity of a Spaniard† , and as David Lockyer identifies â€Å"throughout his reign more Imperial titles where granted to Spaniards than any other nationality† , an extraordinary feat considering the circumstances of the dominant role of the Burgundian court at the beginning of his reign. Likewise the extensive amount of Spanish troops used on the battlefield of the Holy Roman Emperor gave Charles Imperial army the distinct recognition of a Spaniard. Although Henry Kamen appears to dismiss the role of Spanish troops as; â€Å"acting only as contingents in a larger force† , based on the evidence that Spanish contributions in numerical terms were limited to selective enterprises it was the case that the Spanish presence was recognisable enough so that (as described by Lotherington and Elliot) â€Å"the rest of Europe feared and respected her power† and â€Å"the influence of Spaniards became resented and then hated† across Europe. When assessing Charles in relation to the Golden Age of Spain it is important to identify that â€Å"Spain became a great power in its own right only under Phillip II † and â€Å"Charles presided over the start of Spain’s golden age† rather than being part of it. Yet like the Catholic Kings Charles contributed to the rise of the golden age by expressing Spain’s cultural identity though his Imperial Empire. And when in 1556 he abdicated, he retuned not to his birth place in the Burgundies but to Spain, passing the heart of his Empire into the hands of his Spanish son Phillip. Charles born a Burgundian became a Spaniard by choice, and this, more than any formal act of policy, made him loved and respected by his Spanish subjects† . Charles had put the â€Å"imperial† into Spain’s Empire a unique foundation of the Catholic Kings that they had ultimately founded by succession. From the foundations of the Catholic Kings and Charles I, Phillip II was handed a vast and impressive domain, and although the title does not fully acknowledge the diversity of her territories â€Å"contemporaries knew it as the monarquia Espanola (Spanish Monarchy)† . Generally, although not exclusively historians i. e. Lotherington, Kamen, Elliot and Cooper agree that that the peak of the Golden Age came in the reign of Phillip II. Lotherington and Elliot also identify the â€Å"crisis of the 90’s† as the war in France, England and the Netherlands intensified and the domestic scene turned to revolt in Aragon. John Cooper and Elliot point towards the death of Phillip II as the decline where Spain, or rather Castile was â€Å"by 1600 a country that had suddenly lost its national purpose† Kamen on the other hand takes issue with the decline itself as a â€Å"historical myth† but at least acknowledges â€Å"Spain under Phillip II attained the heights of imperial authority† . Historians such as Parker and Lockyer suggest that a decline in the 1590’s was â€Å"to simplistic† and that â€Å"The Spanish Empire appeared far stronger at the death of Phillip III, than at the death of Phillip II† . Although Parker and Lockyer hold some weight in their argument, such a claim is difficult to grasp when considering that by 1621 Spain had withdrawn itself from all its conflicts in Europe, unable to support itself and forced into the humiliation of â€Å"making peace with rebels and heretics† . Likewise the â€Å"failed leadership† of the king Phillip III (who passed effective responsibility onto the corrupt Duke of Lerma, his â€Å"valido†/Favourite) failed to make use of more than a decade of peace to mend the structural failings at home. Phillip II who knew his son well once commented â€Å"I am afraid they will govern him† he had been right to fear the worst. By 1598 the Golden Age of foreign policy had been and gone. Ironically it was in the 17th century, as Spain â€Å"slowly abandoned its military imperialism† , The Golden age of Arts and Literature flourished under the very decline of Spain. The cultural aspirations that the Catholic Kings had preserved, become imperialised under Charles and began under Phillips Spanish Empire blossomed in an era that, for the first time in modern Spanish history, Spain was turning in on itself in agony of self appraisal. Accompanying the glorification of Spain’s Art and Literature in a bygone period of world dominance forth came the myth of the â€Å"Golden Age† visible in the arts, architecture and literature. Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra, regarded as a great Spanish novelist in the early 17th century wrote of â€Å"happy times and ages where those which the ancients termed the golden age† only seven years after Phillips death – evidently the majority of Spanish society did not experience a Golden Age under Phillip, similarly to the peasant Charles had met decades before. Religion was a key theme of the Golden Age of arts, architecture and literature; it is estimated that around 90% of Spanish Renaissance paintings where of religious subject. The Burial of the Count of Orgaz†, the work of El Greco is typical of the period, as the painting adopts both cultural aspects: the legend of â€Å"Don Gonzalo Ruiz†, (known for his religious piety) in the theme of a miracle, as the knight ascends into heaven. Phillip II’s evident love for artwork greatly contributed to Spain’s Golden Age of Art and Literature; firstly many of his paintings where imported as th e greatest art works remained Flemish and Italian, but by the 17th century Spain began to contribute to some of the greatest artworks of the age. One of the great Spanish artist, Diego Velazquez composed Spanish concepts of honour and dignity in the painting â€Å"the surrender of Breda† – a great victory for the Spanish in the Netherlands. As the victor; General Spinola is seen placing his arm on the shoulder of the defeated Dutch commander Justin sympathetically. Architecturally the great El Escorial, completed in 1584, was by far the most symbolised of Spain’s Golden Age; a palace, a monastery and a tomb all the Hapsburg monarchs of Spain. Such grand structural designs had actually begun under Ferdinand and Isabella. In the city of Granada the Royal Chapel, the burial place of the Catholic Kings and the Cathedral built in the centre of the Moorish palace in Cordoba to show Catholic dominance over the Islamic world were symbolic of the cultural success of the Catholic Kings and the success of the reconquista. The painting competition in Madrid in 1627 was arranged by Phillip IV to display the expulsion of the Moriscos, embodied the religious intolerance and the Spanish notion for purity of blood. Aside from the vast cultural contributions the Catholic Kings made to the art and literature of the17th century, its development largely arose from the imperial concepts of Charles and Phillip, the latter having dedicated himself to it. The contribution the Catholic Kings made to religion was far more substantial than that of art, literature and architecture. The work of the Catholic Kings in the Spanish church enabled the clergy to adapt to the ideals of the Spanish monarchy and lay the foundation for one of the main defences against the reformation; The Inquisition. It is commonly accepted that the Catholic Kings did not significantly reform the church although changes did occur. The Collage of Valladolid 1484 and the University of Alcada 1508 was founded to encourage new learning and Alexander VI gave Ferdinand permission to reform the monastic orders in 1491, which Cisneros carried out with â€Å"characteristic energy† . Although â€Å"the impact of these reforms should not be exaggerated† the extent to which is debated. J. Elliot suggests that the reforms under the Catholic Kings â€Å"gave the church a new strength and vigour at the very moment the church was everywhere under heavy attack† whilst Kamen; who made extensive research into the Spanish church at this time argues â€Å"nothing remotely resembling a reformation of the church occurred in Spain† . What Kamen fails to emphasis is Ferdinand and Isabella’s considerable achievement in creating; as Lockyer describes a â€Å"national Spanish Catholic Church† with reforms that took the church into â€Å"royal control† In 1486 effective control over the appointment of clerics was granted to the Spanish crown. The crusada tax was renewed in 1494 and successfully renewed throughout the reigns of Charles and Phillip accompanied with further grants. The new world was granted all major benefices in 1508 and the inquisition from the moment of its foundation â€Å"identified itself in a particularly way with the Spanish Church† . Nationalism, a key cause of the reformation in the 16th century particularly in Germany, England and the Netherlands had no effect in Spain because their Church had effectively been nationalised. It is certainly telling that as Kamen points out â€Å"The gains that the English monarchy made though the reformation were already achieved completely in Spain without any change of religion† . Ferdinand and Isabella did not reform the church from abuses and corruption, they brought it under† royal control† helping to unify Spain under one religion; uniformity of the Catholic faith that to become a key concept of the Golden Age of Spain in Foreign Policy. Catholicism was chief to Spain’s golden age but a good relation with the pope was not a ecessity. Charles sack of Rome in 1527 was perhaps the most evident example, as Spanish soldiers amongst other nationalities devastated the Holy City. As one eye witness reported â€Å"we took Rome by storm, killed 6000 men, plundered the houses carried of what we found in churches and elsewhere† . Likewise the â€Å"most Catholic King† often faced â€Å"strained relations† with the papacy; accusing the papacy if â€Å"failing in your duty towards God† in 1589, â€Å"God is Spanish† , Phillip II once commented. It was the Catholic Kings who had culturally reimbursed the Catholic faith so that â€Å"Catholicism and national interests where so closely interwoven in Spain that it soon became impossible to distinguish one from another† . Catholicism soon became symbolic of Spain’s Golden Age as Spanish monarchs became engulfed in Europe’s religious conflict. Charles I against the Schmalkaldic League in Germany and Phillips II conflicts with the Turks, Dutch rebels, French wars and the war with England. Even the Duke of Parma’s pleas that religious concessions could â€Å"pacify the Dutch states† where ignored by Phillip who persisted â€Å"they are all to embrace the Roman Catholic Faith and the exercise of that alone is to be permitted† . Phillip writing as early as 1562 explained â€Å"neither my welfare nor that of my states will allow me to neglect helping the Catholics† . Phillip II â€Å"an unquestionably loyal son of the Catholic Church† certainly makes Jonathan Lewis doubts of Phillip II religious piety appear doubtful. The religious unity which the Catholic Kings established had devastating effects for minorities living in Spain, a policy which Historians have widely criticised the Catholic Kings for by establishing the inquisition and increasing hostility to Jews, Conversos and Moors. Henry Kamen famously coined the phrase â€Å"society in conflict† to describe amongst the reigns of their successors greater social divisions as a result of the Catholic Kings religiously intolerant police